Protect our veterans
The British state must stop persecuting old soldiers
In 1972, eight terrorists from the Palestinian Black September group infiltrated the Munich Olympic Village, taking 11 members of the Israeli team hostage. The world watched as a standoff with German authorities ended tragically with all 11 hostages killed, along with a German police officer and five of the terrorists.
This was also a period that saw a notable rise in the use of hijacking as a tactic in political struggles, particularly by various revolutionary, nationalist, and militant groups.
Against this backdrop of rising international terrorism, the Government needed a response for when negotiations failed and lives hung in the balance. The SAS stepped forward to develop the specialised capabilities needed to confront terrorist hostage-takers.
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This foresight was vindicated in the 1980, London Iranian Embassy siege when six Democratic Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Arabistan (DRFLA) armed terrorists took 26 hostages. After a six-day standoff, during which one hostage was killed, as the world again watched on, the SAS launched a dramatic assault killing five of the six terrorists, rescuing the remaining hostages, and detaining the lone surviving gunman.
This counter-terrorist expertise, combined with the Regiment’s extensive experience in revolutionary warfare during Britain’s colonial withdrawals, created a unique operational capability. The SAS had learned to operate in both conventional military scenarios and complex civilian environments — invaluable skills for the challenges ahead, which would become the benchmark for counter-terrorist operations worldwide.
Politics should never be decided by the barrel of a gun. While democracies must have legal and legitimate means to counter terrorists, the harsh reality of this necessity makes many uncomfortable. Liberal critics and human rights lawyers, from the safety of their offices, may find counter-terrorism operations distasteful or even abhorrent. But they have never faced the brutal reality of confronting armed terrorists. In these encounters, soldiers have a quarter-second to react — faster than a blink. There is no time to analyse, only to act and survive.
These operational realities would soon be tested in a prolonged domestic conflict. The IRA/Sinn Fein’s “Armalite and Ballot Box” strategy represented more than just terrorism — it was a calculated challenge to British sovereignty through a campaign of unprecedented violence: 4,000 murders, indiscriminate bombing campaigns across Northern Ireland and mainland UK, the assassination of Lord Mountbatten, an attempt on the Prime Minister’s life, devastating attacks in the City of London, and the horror of Omagh. This endless cycle of violence threatened to tear apart the very fabric of society.
After the initial stages of this terrorist campaign, the Regiment was deployed at a time of crisis. A reorganisation of intelligence led to the creation of an exceptional organisation, led by RUC Special Branch. This group combined Police and Army intelligence, surveillance and tactical units. In managing the Northern Ireland conflict, security forces adopted a strategy to “hold the ring” — limiting sectarian violence to an “acceptable level” that would allow political solutions to emerge while maintaining public safety.
Those who now sit in comfortable offices … seem to have forgotten the savage reality of that era
While the RUC and Army provided a permanent presence on the streets, exceptional intelligence became the key to defeating the IRA. The level of intelligence reached a point where lives were repeatedly saved by indirect action that deterred lethal operations, such as bombings, shootings, kidnapping and executions.
Yet today, there is a collective institutional amnesia in Government. Those who now sit in comfortable offices, passing judgment on past operations, seem to have forgotten the savage reality of that era and the price paid to achieve peace.
The Police and Army operational grouping defeated the IRA leading directly to the Good Friday Agreement. Without this element of the campaign, peace would not have been achieved.
As part of the campaign the SAS, because of its experience and capabilities, drew the hardest task — apprehending armed terrorists when the intelligence indicated a major attack. Not acting meant that terrorists were left free to strike. Any actions had ministerial approval at the highest level. The decision to go ahead with each operation also had to be sanctioned by the Chief Constable and the General Officer Commanding in Northern Ireland. All operations were conducted within the UK laws at the time, as well as clear Rules of Engagement. In addition, all incidents involving a shooting were subject to full Scenes of Crime treatment, forensics and witness statements prior to a Coroner’s Inquiry, in the event of a death.
It is worth remembering the nature of these operations. Current inquiries into incidents demonstrate a naivety as to the realities of such endeavours, including expectations that intelligence would be complete and definitive. Often, there would be an indicator of a planned terrorist operation. However, much of the what, when, where, and how — especially the latter — were frequently unknown. On the ground, a small team was tasked to apprehend armed terrorists, often in the dark, in chaotic and fast-changing circumstances. There was always a direct threat to soldier’s lives. Always. These professional, committed and experienced soldiers were willing to undertake these operations and face the risks, because they believed they were defending British lives and freedoms.
Having directly contributed to the defeat of the IRA murderous campaign for political and financial gain, veterans now find themselves prosecuted by their former employer, the Government they served and trusted. Meanwhile, terrorists have been absolved of their crimes and set free — some even compensated. These relentless prosecutions target individuals repeatedly, as profit-driven lawyers circle back to old cases with dubious new “evidence”. Veterans today find themselves trapped in an endless cycle of legal harassment. Far beyond mere vexatious litigation, these actions inflict deep emotional wounds on veterans and their families — people who should be enjoying their hard-earned retirement in peace. Bear in mind, too, all the soldiers were cleared at the time in a Coroner’s Court. The continued persecution of veterans is inexplicable — in fact, bewildering. Try explaining this idiocy to the uninitiated, let alone any rational person. How has a government has let this happen?
The causes are clear to those involved in the campaign in Northern Ireland. However, addressing post-conflict political mismanagement is no longer productive. What is required is a solution to the immediate issue. Ignoring this travesty has serious implications that must be addressed.
The Government’s failure has created a cascade of devastating consequences. Veterans across the Police and Army who served in Northern Ireland now face the degradation of their service and the destruction of their retirement years. They have become pawns in a game played by exploitative human rights lawyers, their family lives torn apart by endless legal persecution. The sacred trust between these veterans and their former employer lies shattered.
This betrayal resonates beyond the retired ranks. Serving soldiers and potential recruits watch as their predecessors face persecution for political and spurious legal reasons. They see a government mouthing empty platitudes while displaying complete indifference to veterans’ welfare. The message is clear: why risk your life for a government that will abandon you? Already struggling recruitment numbers, hampered by bureaucratic inefficiencies, can only worsen.
Perhaps most alarming is the complete absence of a workable legal framework for irregular warfare operations, both domestic and overseas. This vacuum creates a dangerous vulnerability that enemies of the state can exploit, undermining operational legitimacy and effectiveness — potentially at the cost of soldiers’ lives or those they seek to protect.
The upshot is that Government is leaving the country unable to effectively deter and deal with terrorist threats in a time of global insecurity. In doing so, the government is failing to meet its primary obligations in national security.
Repealing the Legacy Act is exacerbating this situation. The men and women who risk their lives to protect our democracy have always done so with quiet dignity, accepting that public recognition may never come. Their silence has been part of their service. But that silence can no longer be maintained when the very government they served now betrays them.
From the Munich Olympics to the Iranian Embassy, from colonial conflicts to the streets of Northern Ireland, the SAS and other security forces have acted as democracy’s shield against terrorism. Today, that shield is being deliberately weakened by political expediency and legal persecution.
Those who served deserve better. Those who serve today deserve better. And most critically, a nation that cannot protect its defenders will soon find itself unable to defend its citizens. The time for government platitudes has passed. Action to protect our veterans is not just a moral imperative — it is a national security necessity.
